Ralph Abraham and businessman Eddie Rispone would return Louisiana to "the way things were when Bobby Jindal was governor. Abraham and Rispone note that when he was a state lawmaker, Edwards voted for most of the Jindal-era budgets that he now derides. The two don't defend Jindal's budgeting tactics, and they bristle that Edwards keeps bringing the ex-governor up.
I'm running for governor," Rispone said when asked about Jindal's handling of the budget. Jindal has avoided Louisiana's political scene since he exited the governor's mansion in January and his presidential campaign sputtered shortly thereafter.
Since then, he's appeared sporadically on national news programs to discuss federal issues. He hasn't commented about Louisiana's finances, even as his name was invoked repeatedly during four years of budget debates in Edwards' term, and he didn't return Associated Press requests for comment about the governor's race. People believe it. Across eight years in office, Jindal and the Legislature cut personal income taxes and allowed tax break programs to balloon.
Public college financing was slashed more than nearly any other state in the nation, along with social services. Jindal wouldn't agree to anything perceived as a tax hike, but he and lawmakers also didn't cut state operating expenses deeply enough to match annual revenue. Instead, the Jindal administration plundered savings accounts, sold off state property and delayed Medicaid bill payments to patch together budgets. That created new shortfalls annually, when those dollars disappeared or savings projections didn't materialize.
Edwards and the majority-GOP Legislature ended the use of piecemeal financing to pay for ongoing programs. And after three years of special legislative sessions, they agreed to a seven-year tax package in to bring more money into state coffers and stabilize the budget, raising public school teacher pay and pouring new dollars into higher education.
Abraham and Rispone deride the tax hikes as chasing away residents and businesses. They say Louisiana shouldn't be amassing hefty surpluses. It's over-taxation," said Rispone, owner of an industrial contracting company from Baton Rouge who is largely self-financing his multimillion-dollar campaign.
Bobby Jindal has a younger brother, Nikesh. Jindal was named a Rhodes scholar and studied at Oxford University, earning a master of letters in Jindal worked briefly for a consulting firm after graduation before taking on the position of president of the University of Louisiana school system in Two weeks later, Jindal delivered a thick report that impressed his boss. Jindal was preparing to attend Harvard Medical School when he was offered a secretary position in the Louisiana cabinet, heading the Department of Health and Hospitals.
Jindal served for two years, never pursuing medical training. Thereafter, public service became his calling. In President George W.
Senate, Jindal launched a campaign for the congressional seat. The district stretched from east of New Orleans, north across Lake Pontchartrain to the Mississippi border. Made up of primarily white-collar conservatives in the fast-growing New Orleans commuter suburbs, the constituency was 80 percent white. But Jindal tended to play down his heritage.
This is our culture. This is our home. An effective and prolific fundraiser, Jindal amassed a campaign re-election war chest as a freshman Member that matched those of congressional veterans. He did not receive a seat on either panel, as freshmen rarely get such plum assignments. In the th Congress — , he left Education and the Workforce and remained on the other two panels until he left the House mid-Congress in According to Congressional Quarterly , nearly two-thirds of the bills Jindal submitted over the next 18 months were related to the storms, their aftermath, and other natural disasters.
He initially teamed with Senator Vitter to author a law banning local municipalities from confiscating guns from citizens during natural disasters. Jindal said he will continue working with the group after his term ends in January. He also advocated a tough line on Muslim immigrants and radical Islamists. And he was particularly harsh in his criticism of Obama, declaring, while standing outside the White House, that Obama was unfit to be commander in chief and rushing to defend former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani when Giuliani expressed his belief that Obama does not love his country.
In a year when anti-establishment fever waxes hot in the electorate, Jindal assaulted virtually everyone in public office, calling for the dismissal of every member of Congress, Democratic and Republican. Although Jindal took up the mantle of Trump-slayer late in his campaign, it proved difficult for a candidate who has spent almost his entire career in public office to attest to more anti-establishment credentials than Trump and Carson.
And that was not the sole lane that Jindal tried to enter only to find it filled with rivals. Carson has cultivated a deep appeal to evangelical voters, as have former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee and U. Ted Cruz, of Texas.
Unruh Institute of Politics at the University of Southern California and a veteran of four Republican presidential campaigns. Jindal sought to turn his record as governor to his advantage, citing a study by the libertarian Cato Institute that identified him as the only governor in the Republican field who cut state spending. And nowhere was that more evident than in his campaign fundraising.
The Jindal campaign apparently leveraged money coming in outside the official committee shrewdly, exploiting the soft regulatory environment to tap a single-candidate independent political action committee and America Next to bolster his Iowa campaign.
Jindal, upon his Baton Rouge return, acknowledged last week that a factor in his decision to close up shop was that the money well was running dry. Edit Close. Toggle navigation. Francisville St. Close 1 of 5.
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